Julio Teehankee
De La Salle University, College of Liberal Arts, Department Member
- Political Campaigns, Political Parties, Development Studies, Democratization, Comparative Politics, Electoral Behavior, and 34 morePolitical communication, Policy Studies, Internet research, Justice, Popular Culture, Political Science, International Studies, Globalization, Political Economy, Government, Governance, Global Justice, Political Theory, Politics, Southeast Asian Studies, Southeast Asia, Philippines, Elections, Content Analysis, Political Marketing, Political Dynasty, Japanese Studies, Historical Institutionalism, Public Policy, Southeast Asian Politics, Electronic Democracy, Elections and Voting Behavior, Election Campaigning, Electoral Studies, Democracy, e-Democracy, Internet, Internet and politics, and Internet politicsedit
- Full Professor and Research Fellow of Political Science and International Studies at De La Salle University, Manila (... moreFull Professor and Research Fellow of Political Science and International Studies at De La Salle University, Manila (DLSU). He is currently the President of the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA). He completed both his doctorate in Development Studies (with distinction) and his bachelor's degree major in Political Science from DLSU. He earned his master's degree in Political Science from the University of the Philippines.
He was a Japan Foundation fellow at the Graduate School of Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo, Japan from September 2007 to June 2008; a visiting fellow at the Japan Institute for International Affairs in 2002; a Sumitomo Foundation research grantee at the Waseda Institute of Asia Pacific Studies, Waseda University in 2000; a Fulbright American Studies fellow at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale in 2000; and, a Japan Foundation faculty development grantee at Ibaraki University, Japan from July 1995 to July 1996.
Dr. Teehankee served as dean of the College of Liberal Arts from 2013-2017. Previously, he served as chair of the Political Science Department between 1994 and 2007; and, chair of the International Studies Department from 2008 to 2013. Presently, he is the Executive Secretary of the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA). He was previously APISA President from 2009 to 2011. He also served as PPSA Secretary from 1995 to 1999.
He specializes in the comparative analysis of politics and development in East and Southeast Asia, with a particular focus on issues of popular participation, governance, democratization, and contested institutions. He has published extensively on the topics of elections, party politics, and political dynasties. His current research includes presidentialism in Asia; comparative constitutional dynamics in East and Southeast Asia; and the post-crisis development architecture.edit
This election report will focus on the regional dimensions of the 2016 national and local elections in the Philippines. In doing so, the report aims to draw regional implications for the proposed shift to federalism. The following shall... more
This election report will focus on the regional dimensions of the 2016 national and local elections in the Philippines. In doing so, the report aims to draw regional implications for the proposed shift to federalism. The following shall discuss the results of provincial elections for governor clustered along regional administrative lines; elections in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM); elections for congressional districts clustered in regions; and the breakdown of regional support for the presidential candidates based on their respective bailiwicks.
Research Interests:
Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before – announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial... more
Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before – announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial master, the United States of America. Beyond the personal slights caused by the US criticism of his anti-drug campaign lies a deeper sense of historical grievance that has been ingrained in Duterte’s generation and his identity as a Mindanaoan. Not only does he represent Mindanao’s resentment towards “imperial Manila,” but also a historical blowback against “US imperialism.” Duterte’s nationalist exhortations can be traced to the cycle of regime narratives in the Philippines, which serves as a medium for institutional continuity and change through the mobilisation of ideas at a discursive level. By reviving the anti-US nationalism of his youth, Duterte is repudiating the liberal reformist, albeit elitist, narrative of the Aquino-to-Aquino regimes. Duterte’s so-called “pivot to China” is also a dramatic reversal of his predecessors’ strong anti-China and rabidly pro-American foreign policy position. This paper blends Vivien A. Schmidt’s discursive institutional analytical framework with Stephen Skowronek’s concept of presidential leadership in political time to analyse how crafted narratives are transformed into governance scripts that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional setting.
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The year started auspiciously with the successful visit of Pope Francis in Manila. Unfortunately, the afterglow of the event was overshadowed by the tragic death of 44 members of the Special Action Forces (SAF), 18 members of the Moro... more
The year started auspiciously with the successful visit of Pope Francis in
Manila. Unfortunately, the afterglow of the event was overshadowed
by the tragic death of 44 members of the Special Action Forces
(SAF), 18 members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and
the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), and five civilians
in a botched operation to capture Indonesian terrorist Marwan in
Mamasapano, Mindanao. The major political fallout from the tragedy
was the breakdown of the peace negotiations with the MILF. The administration was also beleaguered by accusations of incompetence
in connection with the monstrous traffic crisis in Metro Manila,
extortion rackets at the airport, and the mismanagement of LRT and
MRT railway systems. Nonetheless, it demonstrated decisiveness in
pursuing an arbitral case against China at the Permanent Court of
Arbitration. Despite overseeing a succession of impressive economic
growth, the legacy of the Aquino administration and the victory of its
anointed successor in the 2016 elections are endangered as a result
of these political controversies.
Manila. Unfortunately, the afterglow of the event was overshadowed
by the tragic death of 44 members of the Special Action Forces
(SAF), 18 members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and
the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), and five civilians
in a botched operation to capture Indonesian terrorist Marwan in
Mamasapano, Mindanao. The major political fallout from the tragedy
was the breakdown of the peace negotiations with the MILF. The administration was also beleaguered by accusations of incompetence
in connection with the monstrous traffic crisis in Metro Manila,
extortion rackets at the airport, and the mismanagement of LRT and
MRT railway systems. Nonetheless, it demonstrated decisiveness in
pursuing an arbitral case against China at the Permanent Court of
Arbitration. Despite overseeing a succession of impressive economic
growth, the legacy of the Aquino administration and the victory of its
anointed successor in the 2016 elections are endangered as a result
of these political controversies.
Research Interests:
The Philippine presidency is the first and most durable in Asia. As a political institution, it has been rendered enough constitutional power to have a formal semblance of a " strong presidency " but apparently not enough to totally... more
The Philippine presidency is the first and most durable in Asia. As a political institution, it has been rendered enough constitutional power to have a formal semblance of a " strong presidency " but apparently not enough to totally control strategic interests in Philippine society. Applying the concept of " political time, " this article will discuss the rise of the 16th president Rodrigo Duterte within the cycle of presidential regimes in the Philippines. Furthermore, it will analyze the nature of presidential power in the Philippines by identifying the strategic moments that lie between structural regimes and agential choices. Lastly, it will delineate the emergence of regime narratives as " governing scripts " that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional context.
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The surprise victory of Rodrigo “Digong” Duterte in the May 2016 presidential election represents a major rupture in the liberal-democratic regime reestablished thirty years ago after the “people power” revolution against the dictatorship... more
The surprise victory of Rodrigo “Digong” Duterte in the May 2016
presidential election represents a major rupture in the liberal-democratic
regime reestablished thirty years ago after the “people power” revolution
against the dictatorship of Ferdinand E. Marcos. With a folksy style and
tough-guy image, Duterte promised quickly to halt rising crime, end government corruption, and rebuild the country’s crumbling infrastructure. A latecomer to the presidential race (he was a last-minute substitute for another candidate), Duterte entered the fray with one basic campaign promise: To restore peace and order within three to six months by any means possible, including extrajudicial killings and a declaration of martial law. In a country where crime rates had skyrocketed in the year before the election, Duterte’s promises appealed to the pent-up anger and frustration
of the electorate. In the Philippines’ simple plurality system, he won the
election with 39 percent of the vote and the third-widest vote margin (at 12.8 percentage points) in post-Marcos presidential elections.
presidential election represents a major rupture in the liberal-democratic
regime reestablished thirty years ago after the “people power” revolution
against the dictatorship of Ferdinand E. Marcos. With a folksy style and
tough-guy image, Duterte promised quickly to halt rising crime, end government corruption, and rebuild the country’s crumbling infrastructure. A latecomer to the presidential race (he was a last-minute substitute for another candidate), Duterte entered the fray with one basic campaign promise: To restore peace and order within three to six months by any means possible, including extrajudicial killings and a declaration of martial law. In a country where crime rates had skyrocketed in the year before the election, Duterte’s promises appealed to the pent-up anger and frustration
of the electorate. In the Philippines’ simple plurality system, he won the
election with 39 percent of the vote and the third-widest vote margin (at 12.8 percentage points) in post-Marcos presidential elections.
Research Interests:
The study of politics in Southeast Asia emerged out of significant junctures in historical state-making and nation-building in the region. Given the “neglect” of Southeast Asia in “mainstream” Western political science, efforts have been... more
The study of politics in Southeast Asia emerged out of significant junctures in historical state-making and nation-building in the region. Given the “neglect” of Southeast Asia in “mainstream” Western political science, efforts have been made by scholars within and outside Southeast Asia to form “epistemic communities” like the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA) to promote studies about Asia. The Philippines is an interesting case in this regard because it mirrored significant periods in its political history – from colonialism to nationalism, modernization, authoritarianism, and democratization. Notwithstanding the strong influence of American political scientists in the early teaching and writing on Filipino politics, the discipline has generally avoided the quantitative methodologies privileged by its American counterpart. Moreover, a vibrant and pluralist approach has been evident in the scholarly output of the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ). Despite initial setbacks in its organization, the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA) has been successful in fostering a national “epistemic community” of academics, scholars, and practitioners.
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This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the country is not lost to political parties,... more
This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the country is not lost to political parties, candidates, and campaign managers. Online websites offer an opportunity for political parties to strengthen linkages with citizens and voters through information provision, transparency, interactivity, and networking. The article conducted a content analysis of the websites of five mainstream political parties and twelve party list organizations represented in the 14th Congress. It appraised the online presence of these parties and assessed the level of use of the Internet as a tool for internal party administration, online electoral campaigns, voters’ participation and organization.
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Some of the current financial issues and problems besetting the world economies may be traced to the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s which centered on free markets and free trade with the consequent less government regulation.... more
Some of the current financial issues and problems besetting the world economies may be traced to the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s which centered on free markets and free trade with the consequent less government regulation. Liberalization led to global prosperity and innovation after two decades but extreme market fundamentalism also contributed to the present financial crisis. Is the problem one of governance, of market failure or of people? It is all of these. Markets failed to allocate resources into an efficient manner; governments failed to curb the excesses of the markets. Policy analyses and the presentation of the speakers in the conference reveal that the possible solution is not limited to economics but should also include political adjustments in terms of policy pronouncements. There is a need to look into the equity issues, especially the safety nets of people who will be displaced by the ill effects of the financial crisis. A balance between politics, the experts, the players, the markets and everyone else is emphasized.
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This paper will scan the continuity and change in the political landscape of Southeast Asia ten years after the financial crisis. It will focus on five Southeast Asian countries that have been affected at varying degrees by the crisis,... more
This paper will scan the continuity and change in the political landscape of Southeast Asia ten years after the financial crisis. It will focus on five Southeast Asian countries that have been affected at varying degrees by the crisis, namely: Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. Political change in these countries will be viewed within the context of the continuation of the “development versus democracy debate”, reformulated as “good governance versus populism”.
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This paper reviews the indicators used to measure impacts and processes of access to justice and justice-related programs across the Asia-Pacific region and their limitations to assess improvements on access to justice by poor and... more
This paper reviews the indicators used to measure impacts and processes of access to justice and justice-related programs across the Asia-Pacific region and their limitations to assess improvements on access to justice by poor and disadvantaged groups. To this end the paper addresses the question: how is access to justice evaluated by government agencies, civil society organizations, and development agencies in the Asia-Pacific Region?
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This paper delineates the fundamental problems and paradoxes of democratic governance in the Philippines as manifested in the 2004 elections.
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This article seeks to profile a segment of emerging political clans in the post-Marcos House of Representatives.
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This paper is an exposition of the peace process under the Marcos, Aquino, Ramos and Estrada administrations. It will illustrate the internal dynamics of the armed social movements in response to international and domestic political... more
This paper is an exposition of the peace process under the Marcos, Aquino, Ramos and Estrada administrations. It will illustrate the internal dynamics of the armed social movements in response to international and domestic political transformations.
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The development of a formal multi-party system during the Aquino regime marks the return of Philippine politics to traditional forms of governance. The author argues, however, that such a transition has constricted local party politics... more
The development of a formal multi-party system during the Aquino regime marks the return of Philippine politics to traditional forms of governance. The author argues, however, that such a transition has constricted local party politics and made it ineffectual in addressing Philippine social issues. This paper assesses the viability of an open-pluralistic party politics in the Philippines through an investigation of thee different sets of elections.
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This paper will probe into the nascent green movement in the Philippines by looking as four non-governmental organizations (NGOs): Haribon Foundation, Green Forum, World Ecologists, and the Earth Savers. It will draw out the... more
This paper will probe into the nascent green movement in the Philippines by looking as four non-governmental organizations (NGOs): Haribon Foundation, Green Forum, World Ecologists, and the Earth Savers. It will draw out the organizations' view of the State by exploring its goals, vision, and strategies.
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This paper is an attempt to investigate how a nationalist consciousness emerged from the highly dispersed archipelagic territories and cultures; and how it was able to integrate these into a unified nation.
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Contrary to popular beliefs, the movement for the reconstruction of socialism in Eastern Europe is not a new phenomenon. As early as the 1960s, faithful socialists, particularly in Hungary, were looking towards the revision of Marxism,... more
Contrary to popular beliefs, the movement for the reconstruction of socialism in Eastern Europe is not a new phenomenon. As early as the 1960s, faithful socialists, particularly in Hungary, were looking towards the revision of Marxism, and some were waiting for the Marxist renaissance. Part of this vision was the reform of the Eastern European system. Realizing the futility of working within "dogmas" and "orthodoxy," these intellectuals started to explore other paths in reforming the socialist system.
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Since its inception, the Philippine Party List System (PLS) has been saddled by the problems of definition, implementation and interpretation. Not a few sectors have declared it a failure and some even call for its abolition. This paper... more
Since its inception, the Philippine Party List System (PLS) has been saddled by the problems of definition, implementation and interpretation. Not a few sectors have declared it a failure and some even call for its abolition. This paper argues that the solution is not the abolition of the PLS but to reform and strengthen it by implementing the original features of a closed List Proportional System (LPR) as generally practiced in other parts of the world.
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This chapter discusses the strategies of elite reproduction in the Philippine legislature. It identifies the traditional, new, emerging clans in the post- Marcos House of Representatives. Specifically, it elaborates the mechanisms by... more
This chapter discusses the strategies of elite reproduction in the Philippine legislature. It identifies the traditional, new, emerging clans in the post- Marcos House of Representatives. Specifically, it elaborates the mechanisms by which political clans acquire, sustain, and reproduce power. Moreover, the chapter also underscores the persistence of political dynasties and failed attempts to regulate them.
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The unitary state has existed in the Philippines for almost 500 years. Several efforts have already been made to decentralize the highly centralized unitary state. Federalism is the highest form of decentralization given its inherent... more
The unitary state has existed in the Philippines for almost 500
years. Several efforts have already been made to decentralize
the highly centralized unitary state. Federalism is the highest
form of decentralization given its inherent principle of selfrule
and shared rule between the national government and the
local government units.
years. Several efforts have already been made to decentralize
the highly centralized unitary state. Federalism is the highest
form of decentralization given its inherent principle of selfrule
and shared rule between the national government and the
local government units.
Research Interests:
Duterte’s electoral victory is a major rupture in the post-Marcos “EDSA regime” founded by Corazon “Cory” C. Aquino in 1986. It came in the aftermath of six years of high growth and political stability under the administration of her son,... more
Duterte’s electoral victory is a major rupture in the post-Marcos “EDSA regime” founded by Corazon “Cory” C. Aquino in 1986. It came in the aftermath of six years of high growth and political stability under the administration of her son, President Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino. Duterte’s phenomenal victory can be understood within the context of what the second Aquino administration has failed to do. Despite his personal popularity due to his clean image and lack of personal political scandals, Aquino failed to institutionalize the reform agenda of Daang Matuwid (Straight Path).
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Despite a century of party politics, a history of four party systems, and a multitude of parties, the Philippines still suffers from a seeming lack of institutionalized parties. The dimension of party institutionalization is largely... more
Despite a century of party politics, a history of four party systems, and a multitude of parties, the Philippines still suffers from a seeming lack of institutionalized parties. The dimension of party institutionalization is largely overlooked by the current literature on Philippine politics. This chapter will briefly assess recent attempts at political party institutionalization in the Philippines through the proposed “Political Party Development Act (PPDA)” pending in Congress.
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What accounts for the persistence of clientelism in Philippine party politics? Following recent developments in the theory and practice of clientelistic politics, this chapter will present an institutional view of clientelism and... more
What accounts for the persistence of clientelism in Philippine party politics? Following recent developments in the theory and practice of clientelistic politics, this chapter will present an institutional view of clientelism and delineate current mechanisms for clientelistic practices by political parties in the Philippines. Specifically, it seeks to provide an overview of how clientelism shapes party organization and how party organization may determine the kind of clientelistic strategies a party would pursue.
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More than 100 years since the establishment of the first Filipino political party in 1900 under the aegis of American colonialism, parties in the Philippines continue to be candidate-centered coalitions of provincial bosses, political... more
More than 100 years since the establishment of the first Filipino political party in 1900 under the aegis of American colonialism, parties in the Philippines continue to be candidate-centered coalitions of provincial bosses, political machines, and local clans, anchored on clientelistic, parochial, and personal inducements rather than on issues, ideologies, and party platforms.
Research Interests:
This paper will explore the political terrain leading to the 2010 presidential election. It seeks to understand the nature of presidential campaigns in post-authoritarian Philippines. Utilizing survey data, it will trace trends that... more
This paper will explore the political terrain leading to the 2010
presidential election. It seeks to understand the nature of presidential
campaigns in post-authoritarian Philippines. Utilizing survey data,
it will trace trends that reflect continuity and change in Filipino
voting behavior. Moreover, it will apply the analytical tools of political
marketing, such as market segmentation and candidate positioning,
in identifying the key elements that contributed to a successful
presidential campaign in the three most recent electoral cycles.
The paper notes that electoral campaigns in the post-authoritarian
period have been waged with competing narratives of reformism,
populism and clientelism. The tradition of Filipino-style reformist
politics has been revived in the issue-based anti-corruption and good
governance campaigns. Meanwhile, continued clientelism and money
politics have manifested themselves in the machine-based campaigns
that have eroded the gains of reformism. The failure of reform
politics to address the problem of poverty, coupled by the ascendancy
of the mass media, has fueled the image-based populist campaigns.
Ultimately, the rise of media and public opinion polling as influential
conduits between national candidates and the electorate underscores
the need to find the right mix and astute use of image, issues and
machinery.
presidential election. It seeks to understand the nature of presidential
campaigns in post-authoritarian Philippines. Utilizing survey data,
it will trace trends that reflect continuity and change in Filipino
voting behavior. Moreover, it will apply the analytical tools of political
marketing, such as market segmentation and candidate positioning,
in identifying the key elements that contributed to a successful
presidential campaign in the three most recent electoral cycles.
The paper notes that electoral campaigns in the post-authoritarian
period have been waged with competing narratives of reformism,
populism and clientelism. The tradition of Filipino-style reformist
politics has been revived in the issue-based anti-corruption and good
governance campaigns. Meanwhile, continued clientelism and money
politics have manifested themselves in the machine-based campaigns
that have eroded the gains of reformism. The failure of reform
politics to address the problem of poverty, coupled by the ascendancy
of the mass media, has fueled the image-based populist campaigns.
Ultimately, the rise of media and public opinion polling as influential
conduits between national candidates and the electorate underscores
the need to find the right mix and astute use of image, issues and
machinery.
Research Interests:
This paper is an exposition of the initial response of political and economic leaders of Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines to the ongoing Global Financial Crisis. Specifically, it seeks to explore two crucial areas: 1) the... more
This paper is an exposition of the initial response of political and economic leaders of Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines to the ongoing Global Financial Crisis. Specifically, it seeks to explore two crucial areas: 1) the institutional path dependencies created by the Asian Financial Crisis and its influence on current effort to address the Global Financial Crisis; and, 2) the current institutional constraints faced by these countries as a result of challenges and/or instability within domestic politics.
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This paper is an initial assessment of the current efforts at institutionalizing political party reforms. Specifically, it will provide an overview of current debates, within and initiatives of, two political parties in the area of party... more
This paper is an initial assessment of the current efforts at institutionalizing political party reforms. Specifically, it will provide an overview of current debates, within and initiatives of, two political parties in the area of party reforms. Looking at the experience fo the Liberal Party and Akbayan, the paper will argue for an institutional-competitive approach to political party reform that strengthens citizen-party linkage.
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The chapter on "Regional Cooperation Initiatives for Human Development in Southeast Asia" highlights the forms and rationale for cooperation; and, the institutional mechanisms for regional cooperation in pursuit of human development in... more
The chapter on "Regional Cooperation Initiatives for Human Development in Southeast Asia" highlights the forms and rationale for cooperation; and, the institutional mechanisms for regional cooperation in pursuit of human development in Southeast Asia.
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The paradox of Philippine politics and governance is that despite the long tradition of institutionalized democratic practices and history of popular struggles, Philippine society has engendered an elitist and clientelistic democracy... more
The paradox of Philippine politics and governance is that despite the long tradition of institutionalized democratic practices and history of popular struggles, Philippine society has engendered an elitist and clientelistic democracy embedded in an underdeveloped economy. This chapter will highlight this paradox by delineating the problems that were manifested in the 2004 synchronized elections.
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In the post-authoritarian political regime, electoral campaigns in the Philippines provide opportunities for both elite circulation and popular participation. Nonetheless, poverty and underdevelopment coupled with the growing influence of... more
In the post-authoritarian political regime, electoral campaigns in the Philippines provide opportunities for both elite circulation and popular participation. Nonetheless, poverty and underdevelopment coupled with the growing influence of mass media have contributed to the emergence of 'celebrity politics' and populist campaigns to win elections.
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This chapter will investigate the relationship between elections and democratic development in the Philippines. It will trace the emergence and institutionalization of electoral politics at various junctures in Philippine history.... more
This chapter will investigate the relationship between elections and democratic development in the Philippines. It will trace the emergence and institutionalization of electoral politics at various junctures in Philippine history. Essentially, it will determine the degree of proportionality in which votes are translated into political mandates. Lastly, it will explore the modalities of reforming the electoral system in order to enrich the democratization process.
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"This primer on liberalism offers an introduction to a philosophy, ideology and body of political thought and practice that has been one of the foundations of many modern and progressive societies throughout the world. It presents the... more
"This primer on liberalism offers an introduction to a philosophy,
ideology and body of political thought and practice that has been
one of the foundations of many modern and progressive societies
throughout the world. It presents the liberal viewpoint as activist,
principled, and committed. The liberal ideal that drives liberalism
makes the liberal a determined fighter against dictatorship,
superstition, prejudice, discrimination, fundamentalism, vested
interests, corruption and bad government among other evils that
damage the comity and livability of our communities. It shows the
known standpoint of liberalism as relevant to issues of governance
and development, as essential to the formation of our nation and the
unfolding of our democracy, as crucial to our people’s search for a
body of beliefs that recognizes the validity of our diverse views yet
enables us to find collective solutions to our common problems."
ideology and body of political thought and practice that has been
one of the foundations of many modern and progressive societies
throughout the world. It presents the liberal viewpoint as activist,
principled, and committed. The liberal ideal that drives liberalism
makes the liberal a determined fighter against dictatorship,
superstition, prejudice, discrimination, fundamentalism, vested
interests, corruption and bad government among other evils that
damage the comity and livability of our communities. It shows the
known standpoint of liberalism as relevant to issues of governance
and development, as essential to the formation of our nation and the
unfolding of our democracy, as crucial to our people’s search for a
body of beliefs that recognizes the validity of our diverse views yet
enables us to find collective solutions to our common problems."
Research Interests:
This monograph attempts to provide a practical guide to planning and running an electoral campaign taking off in the initial stage of assessing the campaign environment leading to the actual generation of the winning number of votes. It... more
This monograph attempts to provide a practical guide to planning and running an electoral campaign taking off in the initial stage of assessing the campaign environment leading to the actual generation of the winning number of votes. It underlines as well the imperatives of safeguarding the votes translated for a candidate through effective poll watching.
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The Public Attorney’s Office (PAO) was created to serve as the frontline government agency in delivering free legal services to indigent litigants in judicial and quasi-judicial proceedings. This study conducted by the La Salle Institute... more
The Public Attorney’s Office (PAO) was created to serve as the frontline government agency in delivering free legal services to indigent litigants in judicial and quasi-judicial proceedings. This study conducted by the La Salle Institute of Governance, with the support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), is a component of the Action Program for Judicial Reform (APJR) of the Supreme Court. This study offers an organizational diagnosis of the PAO. Data was generated through the use of various social science research techniques, including surveys, focus group discussions, key informant interviews and secondary data analysis.
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This study maps out the emerging contours of a post-1955 political system in Japan by comparing the political dynamics of ratifying the Revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (1960), legislating the Peace-keeping Operations Law (1991-92) and... more
This study maps out the emerging contours of a post-1955 political system in Japan by comparing the political dynamics of ratifying the Revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (1960), legislating the Peace-keeping Operations Law (1991-92) and the post-9/11 bills (2001-02) in the Japanese Diet. Specifically, it seeks to answer the question: How does domestic political fluidity and realignment influence Japan's foreign policy? It also addresses the following corollary questions: What international and domestic structures, agencies, and norms shape Japan's foreign policy? What is the foreign policy trajectory of the post-'55 System? The study hopes to contribute to the development of a framework to understand the post-'55 politics in Japan.
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This study reviews the events that have resulted in the fall and revival of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and an assessment of the factors that have contributed to the end of one of the most durable dominant one-party regimes among... more
This study reviews the events that have resulted in the fall and revival of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and an assessment of the factors that have contributed to the end of one of the most durable dominant one-party regimes among the industrialized democracies. An analysis of the external and internal developments within Japan in the postwar era and the political parties' subsequent reactions to these changes within and outside the parliament can provide a plausible explanation to the factors that have led to the weakening of the LDP dominance and the decline of the 1955 System. It can also serve to track the continuing realignment of political forces in Japan.
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Party systems in South and Southeast Asia have generally become “more democratic” over the 1900-‐2012 period, and most notably so over the last three decades. However, there is significant variation across countries and across the... more
Party systems in South and Southeast Asia have generally become “more democratic” over the 1900-‐2012 period, and most notably so over the last three decades. However, there is significant variation across countries and across the different indicators used to gauge the party system component.
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This paper will review the implementation of the Automated Election System in the Philippines during the 2010 and 2013 elections. Specifically, it will adopt an “Electoral Risk Management” framework to identify the strengths and... more
This paper will review the implementation of the Automated Election System in the Philippines during the 2010 and 2013 elections. Specifically, it will adopt an “Electoral Risk Management” framework to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the current automation of elections in the country. Moreover, it will propose the application of “Election Forensics” in addressing the controversies raised against automated elections. In particular, it will address the question: Was the 2013 automated election results predetermined or manipulated to reflect a 60-30-10 pattern? In the end, the paper will argue for a more systematic approach in assessing automated elections in the Philippines emphasizing a framework that will manage and/or mitigate the risks inherent in automated elections.
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Applying the concept of “political time,” this presentation will discuss the cycle of presidential challenges within the context of the post-Marcos regime in the Philippines. Specifically, it will delineate the series of discrete... more
Applying the concept of “political time,” this presentation will discuss the cycle of presidential challenges within the context of the post-Marcos regime in the Philippines. Specifically, it will delineate the series of discrete political choices made by five post-Marcos presidents – Corazon C. Aquino, Fidel V. Ramos, Joseph E. Estrada, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, and Benigno S. Aquino III – to address political crises of leadership during their first one hundred days in office. Furthermore, it will analyse the nature of presidential power in the Philippines by identifying the strategic moments that lie between structural regimes and agential choices.
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A possible vehicle for strengthening political parties and fostering organizational development would be political party institutes and party “think tanks”. Most of the major political parties in the Philippines have attempted to... more
A possible vehicle for strengthening political parties and fostering organizational development would be political party institutes and party “think tanks”. Most of the major political parties in the Philippines have attempted to establish their party institutes or think tanks. This paper seeks to identify the role of political institutes and think tanks in the development of the political party system in the Philippines.
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The history of constitutionalism in Japan and the Philippines is characterized by continuity and change. Both countries are among the first in the Asian region to have adopted constitutions in the early stages of their respective... more
The history of constitutionalism in Japan and the Philippines is characterized by continuity and change. Both countries are among the first in the Asian region to have adopted constitutions in the early stages of their respective state-building. The Meiji Constitution of 1889 abolished feudal rule in Japan and signified Japan’s initial drive towards modernity. On the other hand, the short-lived Malolos Constitution of 1899 represented the peak of the anti-colonial struggle against Spanish rule in the Philippines. The annexation of the Philippines as an American colony and the defeat of Japan in the Second World War ushered an exogenous influence in the constitutional development of both countries. The Americans
largely influenced the circumstances upon which both the 1935 Philippine Constitution and the 1947 Japanese Constitution were drafted under foreign occupation. Nonetheless, the adoption and promulgation of both constitutions represented continuity rather than ruptures from the past.
largely influenced the circumstances upon which both the 1935 Philippine Constitution and the 1947 Japanese Constitution were drafted under foreign occupation. Nonetheless, the adoption and promulgation of both constitutions represented continuity rather than ruptures from the past.
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This research will investigate the Seshū Giin (hereditary politicians) who were successfully elected in the 2000 lower house elections. It is an exposition of the methods undertaken by the Japanese political elites at maintaining their... more
This research will investigate the Seshū Giin (hereditary politicians) who were successfully elected in the 2000 lower house elections. It is an exposition of the methods undertaken by the Japanese political elites at maintaining their dominance in the Diet, giving stress to their strategies at capturing, using and maintaining power. In addition, the study will delineate the subtle changes amid the ongoing generational shift in the composition of the House of Representatives (Shugiin).
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This study is an exposition of the methods used by traditional, new and emerging socio-economic elite to maintain their dominance in congressional politics. It tackles the fundamental question: What were the electoral and non-electoral... more
This study is an exposition of the methods used by traditional, new and emerging socio-economic elite to maintain their dominance in congressional politics. It tackles the fundamental question: What were the electoral and non-electoral tactics employed by three-term house members and their children within and outside Congress in assuring their continuous election to the lower chamber?
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The aggregated (illustrative) V-‐Dem democracy index shows an uneven but gradual improvement over the post-‐soviet period that confirms with familiar observers’ account of Burma/Myanmar.
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During the period under review, Philippines again demonstrated the resilience of its democratic system with the successful conduct of its first elections using an automated vote-tallying system, and a credible transfer of power after... more
During the period under review, Philippines again demonstrated the resilience of its democratic system with the successful conduct of its first elections using an automated vote-tallying system, and a credible transfer of power after almost nine years of contested legitimacy under former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Although the constitutional term limit prevented Arroyo from running again, the 2010 presidential election served as a referendum on her nine-year rule. It was also an opportunity to repair the political institutions damaged by the crisis of legitimacy that emerged from the contested 2004 election. Despite earlier fears of possible tampering with the Automated Election System (AES) or even the prospect of a failed elections process, the 2010 automated balloting system proved to be a remarkable success.
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During the period under review, the Philippines continued to face two crises on the political and economic fronts. The administration of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo hobbled from one political scandal to another, but her continued... more
During the period under review, the Philippines continued to face two crises on the political and economic fronts. The administration of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo hobbled from one political scandal to another, but her continued political survival emboldened her to consolidate other means of legitimizing her rule. Given her weakened political legitimacy due to the contested presidential election of 2004, she has embraced economic recovery as a justification for her continued stay in office. Under her administration, the country has experienced eight years of continuous economic growth. The country’s GNP grew by an annual average of 5.5% since she ascended to power in 2001. The highest growth rate reached under her administration was that of 8% in 2007. She has adeptly managed the rise and fall in prices for rice and oil in 2008, and she has diligently prepared for the onslaught of the global economic crisis.
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The Philippines faced two major challenges in consolidating its market-based democracy during the period under review: averting a fiscal crisis and managing a continuing crisis of legitimacy. While President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s... more
The Philippines faced two major challenges in consolidating its market-based democracy during the period under review: averting a fiscal crisis and managing a continuing crisis of legitimacy. While President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s government adeptly handled the impending fiscal crisis by imposing higher value-added taxes and higher levies on alcohol and tobacco, it struggled with two impeachment charges, another failed coup attempt and lingering questions of legitimacy brought about by alleged electoral fraud in the 2004 presidential election.
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This report delineates the Phillipines’ incremental development of a market-based democracy. It highlights the transition experienced by the country in its restoration of democratic political institutions and in the reformation of an... more
This report delineates the Phillipines’ incremental development of a market-based democracy. It highlights the transition experienced by the country in its restoration of democratic political institutions and in the reformation of an underdeveloped and under-performing market economy. Despite its guarantee of a wide degree of freedom and political participation, the Philippines is still struggling to find solutions to its economic, social, and political problems.
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This review will look at the Philippines after EDSA by surveying the different perspectives of several authors regarding the transition from authoritarian dictatorship to liberal democracy.
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The Italian political philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli – one of the most astute political strategists of all times – observed that in order to stay in power it is “necessary for a prince to know how to act like a beast as well as a man.”... more
The Italian political philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli – one of the most astute political strategists of all times – observed that in order to stay in power it is “necessary for a prince to know how to act like a beast as well as a man.” Throughout his political career, Mayor Rodrigo “Digong” Duterte of Davao City surely knows when to unleash the inner beast in him. Now that he is set to become the 16th president of the Republic, he is expected to go on beast mode on criminals and drug lords at a national scale. But his radical plans to implement “peace and order” quickly once in office do not bode well for the archipelago’s often fragile democratic institutions.
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Duterte's surprise victory has to be understood in the context of the failures of the Aquino administration, not its successes. Although personally popular due to the striking lack of political scandals involving his family or close... more
Duterte's surprise victory has to be understood in the context of the failures of the Aquino administration, not its successes. Although personally popular due to the striking lack of political scandals involving his family or close allies (aided by a largely favorable local press), Aquino never managed to institutionalize his "straight path" reformism.
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The Duterte phenomenon is not a revolt of the poor. It is middle class-driven. It is angry protest most acute among the modestly successful, including call centre workers, Uber drivers and overseas Filipino workers.
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Duterte’s rise in the polls has to do with frustration and anger with the limits of the reformist agenda of the Aquino administration, but more generally with the “yellow” good governance pledged regimes stretching back to Fidel Ramos and... more
Duterte’s rise in the polls has to do with frustration and anger with the limits of the reformist agenda of the Aquino administration, but more generally with the “yellow” good governance pledged regimes stretching back to Fidel Ramos and Corazon Aquino.
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The Philippines will hold their presidential election on 9 May 2016. The dramatic campaign was until recently seen as fight between four major candidates, each gathering a roughly equal share of the vote.
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In the first debate, none of the top contenders were particularly successful in defining or refining their campaign narratives. The second one in Cebu provides them another chance.
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'Reformism' can be understood as a 'bourgeois' political narrative that can sometimes appear uncaring and morally self-righteous.
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She is unique in the sense that she can bridge two narratives – the
reformist and the populist.
reformist and the populist.
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Roxas needs to get his mojo back. He should not rely solely on
President Aquino's endorsement or the narrative of continuity.
President Aquino's endorsement or the narrative of continuity.
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In the current electoral campaign dynamics, 'winnability' is popularity plus money plus machinery.
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The practice of an incumbent president anointing (or endorsing) his or her chosen successor candidate is a relatively new phenomenon in Philippine politics.
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The disconnect between President Aquino’s reformist narrative and the current PDAF and DAP controversies has taken a toll on his once sky-high popularity ratings. The president found himself caught in a narrative trap where his governing... more
The disconnect between President Aquino’s reformist narrative and the current PDAF and DAP controversies has taken a toll on his once sky-high popularity ratings. The president found himself caught in a narrative trap where his governing script diverged dramatically from his campaign narrative.
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Narratives are stories that are told in a clear sequential manner in order to connect events in a meaningful way. Often used in literary and discourse analysis, narratives have recently been adapted in framing electoral campaigns. Given... more
Narratives are stories that are told in a clear sequential manner in order to connect events in a meaningful way. Often used in literary and discourse analysis, narratives have recently been adapted in framing electoral campaigns. Given the lack of ideological articulation in Philippine politics, narratives have emerged as quasi-programmatic and emotive scripts that bind coalitions of interest within an institutional context.
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Political “turncoatism” or the practice of party switching has been an integral aspect of party politics in the Philippines. Since the inception of Filipino political parties during the American colonial period, Filipino politicians have... more
Political “turncoatism” or the practice of party switching has been an integral aspect of party politics in the Philippines. Since the inception of Filipino political parties during the American colonial period, Filipino politicians have found it easy to justify party desertion or even the setting of one’s own faction, if not a new political party altogether. Our political history is replete with instances that illustrate this point.
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Freedom is a primordial social value of liberalism. Promoting social development, however, without impeding the individual freedoms and free markets has always been a major dilemma faced by the liberal tradition. Worse, economic liberals... more
Freedom is a primordial social value of liberalism. Promoting social development, however, without impeding the individual freedoms and free markets has always been a major dilemma faced by the liberal tradition. Worse, economic liberals – sometimes called as libertarians – have been largely criticized in many parts of the world for championing free trade and globalization in the form of neo-liberalism.
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For some 160 families, the two Houses of the Philippine Congress have practically been home for the last century. These families have had two or more members who have served in Congress, and they account for nearly 424 of the 2,407 men... more
For some 160 families, the two Houses of the Philippine Congress have practically been home for the last century. These families have had two or more members who have served in Congress, and they account for nearly 424 of the 2,407 men and women who have been elected to the national legislature from 1907 to 2004.
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The seminar organized by the International Academy for Leadership entitled “New Public Management: Lean State, Lean Government” gathered leadership personnel from the academe, public and private sectors from around the world to discuss... more
The seminar organized by the International Academy for Leadership entitled “New Public Management: Lean State, Lean Government” gathered leadership personnel from the academe, public and private sectors from around the world to discuss ways at restructuring government bureaucracy to promote efficiency and effectiveness.